Tag Archives: ISIS

ISIS Claims Attackers in California Were Backers of the Terrorist Group

Agen Sabung Ayam

RIYADH—Supporters of Islamic Condition carried out the deadly attack in San Bernardino, Calif., that killed 14 men and women, the militant team said Saturday in an on the internet information bulletin.

In a broadcast on al-Bayan Radio, authenticated by Website Intelligence Group, which displays and tracks radical teams on the internet, the team stated it regarded the two shooters “martyrs.” Islamic Point out tends to claim a broad selection of assaults, although its involvement is frequently disputed.

Syed Rizwan Farook and his spouse, Tashfeen Malik, are the primary suspects in Wednesday’s massacre, which took place at a accumulating of county workers, also leaving 21 men and women wounded.

The Federal Bureau of Investigation said Friday it was investigating the shooting as a terrorist act.

FBI Director James Comey explained the pair had demonstrated indicators of adopting radical tips and “potential inspiration by overseas terrorist corporations.”

Ms. Malik posted a message on Fb FB 1.seventy two % pledging allegiance to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, the leader of Islamic Condition, Mr. Comey mentioned.

Investigators are nevertheless looking into the situation of how the few fulfilled and what led them to carry out the attack.

Mr. Comey mentioned that, so far, there are no indications the two suspects have been element of a broader terror cell, and that the two suspects hadn’t been earlier on the FBI’s radar.

Mr. Farook was a U.S. native born to Pakistani immigrants. Ms. Malik was a Pakistani nationwide who experienced formerly lived in Saudi Arabia, where her family moved for operate close to 25 many years ago.

Saudi authorities indicated on Saturday that it was not likely that the pair had met in the kingdom.

The interior ministry said Mr. Farook created two visits to Saudi Arabia. The 1st was in June 2014 for nine days to execute umrah—also identified as the lesser pilgrimage. The next was for performing the hajj in 2013. He arrived from the United Arab Emirates, entered the kingdom on Oct. 1 and left on Oct. 20.

Ms. Malik entered Saudi Arabia 2 times with a Pakistani passport to check out family, a spokesman for the Saudi interior ministry mentioned.

The first pay a visit to was in July 2008 coming from Pakistan. She stayed for nine weeks prior to returning to Pakistan. The 2nd go to was in June 2013, once more coming from Pakistan. She entered the kingdom on June 8 and left for India on Oct. 6 ahead of the start off of the hajj, according to the Saudi formal.

Publish to Ahmed Al Omran at Ahmed.AlOmran@wsj.com


WSJ.com: Planet Information

German Parliament Approves Action Against ISIS

Agen Sabung Ayam

BERLIN—Germany’s decrease property of parliament Friday approved a mandate to assist France and other folks in their struggle towards Islamic Point out in Syria.

The movement to help France with Tornado reconnaissance jets, a refueling plane and a frigate to shield a French aircraft carrier passed by a convincing margin, as anticipated. A complete of 445 lawmakers voted in favor of the mission, with just 146 voting towards and seven abstentions.

Germany has previously been providing arms and armed forces education to Kurdish fighters in Iraq above the past yr, but is now stepping up its initiatives in the struggle in opposition to Islamic State by extending it to Syria, albeit only in a reconnaissance capability.

In all, Berlin could deploy up to 1,two hundred armed forces personnel to help the worldwide alliance fighting Islamic State, however the government stated it most likely will not deploy all of them at the exact same time.

Even though German forces will be armed and licensed to protect by themselves if attacked, German pilots will not be conducting offensive airstrikes in Syria.

The mandate is originally set for one particular yr but can be renewed.

Compose to Ruth Bender at Ruth.Bender@wsj.com


WSJ.com: Globe News

U.K. Starts Airstrikes in Syria Against ISIS

Agen Sabung Ayam

LONDON—The U.K. has begun airstrikes against Islamic Condition targets in Syria only several hours right after the British lawmakers voted overwhelmingly in favor of an expansion of the country’s bombing campaign beyond Iraq.

“Four British Tornados were in motion right after the vote very last evening attacking oil fields in Eastern Syria,” British Protection Secretary Michael Fallon told the BBC. All 4 jets have arrived once more at their base in Cyprus with an evaluation of the strikes now ongoing.

U.K. lawmakers voted 397 to 223 in favor of a authorities movement to extend airstrikes to Syria from Iraq, the place the U.K. navy has been conducting bombing for a lot more than a 12 months.

“The vote very last evening freed the [Royal Air Force] up. They have been able to assault these terrorists from one particular side of the border, now they’ve been capable to assault some of their important targets on the other side of the border as properly,” Mr. Fallon mentioned.

Key Minister David Cameron drew help from a significant quantity of politicians from the principal opposition Labour Celebration, regardless of its leader’s stance in opposition to intervention.

The British army was presently flying intelligence gathering missions in excess of Syria. In September, the U.K. also carried out a drone strike towards Islamic Point out fighters, killing two of its nationals, with no parliamentary acceptance, which Mr. Cameron defended as an act of self-protection.

The U.K. will double the quantity of overcome jets deployed to attack targets in Iraq and Syria, Mr. Fallon mentioned. The place will deploy two much more Tornado jets and six Eurofighter Typhoon fight jets to Cyprus.

The U.S., France and Russia​in current days ​have stepped up strikes in opposition to Islamic State oil ​facilities to lower off ​one of the group’s major resources of profits.

French President François Hollande on Thursday mentioned he welcomed the U.K. air force strikes in Syria. “It’s yet another reaction to the phone for European solidarity,” Mr. Hollande’s business office mentioned.

Mr. Fallon stated cutting off the income supply was crucial so Islamic Point out could not finance terrorist assaults abroad.

​ “We need to have to squeeze the terrorists,” he mentioned, adding the strikes right away contributed to that work.

Write to Robert Wall at robert.wall@wsj.com


WSJ.com: Entire world News

ISIS Preventing Civilians From Fleeing Ramadi

Agen Sabung Ayam

Islamic Condition fighters are protecting against civilians from fleeing the town of Ramadi on ache of dying following Iraqi forces warned folks to depart forward of an impending offensive, residents explained Tuesday.

Iraqi forces have been air-dropping leaflets given that Sunday warning citizens to depart forward of an procedure to recapture the Islamic Condition stronghold. Inhabitants explained the extremist team desires to use civilians as human shields.

“ISIS is encircling us from all sides preventing us from leaving the metropolis,” said one particular resident, utilizing an additional identify for Islamic Condition. “We are desperate now. We cannot do anything…We have sick people with no medicine and there is no food to eat,” the male, who gave his nickname Abu Ahmed, mentioned in an audio message sent to friends exterior the metropolis on Monday night.

He urged Iraqi forces to hasten the procedure but be aware of civilians when they enter the metropolis.

Islamic Point out has threatened to kill any civilians who attempt to flee the city, said Naim al-Gaoud, a tribal leader from Anbar who heads his personal anti-Islamic State militia.

Iraqi soldiers and Sunni militiamen have encircled Ramadi, slicing off Islamic Condition supply strains and isolating the city of virtually 500,000 in preparing for a ground assault backed by U.S.-led airstrikes. Ramadi, about 60 miles west of Baghdad, is the capital of Anbar province, which is dominated by Iraq’s Sunni minority.

Tigris R.

WSJ.com: Entire world News

ISIS Influenced Very Few India Youths: Government

Agen Sabung Ayam

NEW DELHI: The ISIS has been ready to affect very couple of Indian youths and protection organizations are closely checking the predicament, such as maintaining below surveillance potential recruits.

Minister of Condition for Haribhai Parathibhai Chaudhary instructed Lok Sabha that govt is closely checking the circumstance and has directed the intelligence and safety agencies to determine likely recruits and maintain them under surveillance.

“The cyber area is currently being carefully monitored in this regard,” he mentioned.

The Minister stated a few incidents of unfurling of flags of ISIS by some misguided youths ended up seen on various instances in Jammu and Kashmir and some other states in recent past.

“…point out governments anxious have been directed to take suitable motion towards such statements as per pertinent provisions of legislation,” he mentioned.

House Ministry officials experienced earlier explained that 23 youths have joined the ISIS of which 6 had been reportedly killed.

Quoting intelligence inputs, officers experienced mentioned, it emerged that the dreaded terror outfit regarded as South Asian Muslims, which includes Indians, inferior to Arab fighters in the conflict zone of Iraq and Syria.

In accordance to an intelligence report well prepared by international businesses and shared with Indian organizations, fighters from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh as properly as certain international locations like Nigeria and Sudan are deemed not very good ample by ISIS and typically tricked into suicide assaults.

The report explained that a whole of 23 Indians have so significantly joined the ISIS of which six had been reportedly killed in diverse incidents.

Around a hundred and fifty Indians are below surveillance for their alleged online hyperlinks with ISIS, the officers experienced said.

The New Indian Convey – Prime Information – http://www.newindianexpress.com/prime_news/

Kobani Journal: Town of Kobani, Scarred by ISIS, Strives to Rebuild

Bandar Sabung Ayam

Picture

Ten months after coalition airstrikes and Kurdish fighters repelled an invasion by the Islamic Condition, the inhabitants of Kobani, Syria, battle with loss, unsuccessful services and widespread destruction. Credit score Tyler Hicks/The New York Instances

KOBANI, Syria — From the doorway of her modest breeze-block property, Faiza Mohammed recalled what her community after was and mourned what it had become.

Her children’s college has bullet holes in the walls and sandbags in the home windows. The retailers where she once acquired groceries are mounds of rubble. The neighbors and relatives who employed to dwell close by and maintain an eye on a single another’s children have still left.

Other than the elderly few following doorway, she mentioned, every person is absent. Her residence and theirs are the only two remaining on the street, islands in a sea of destruction.

“We have folks next door, so we are O.K.,” said Ms. Mohammed, who was widowed before the Syrian civil war started. “But at night we lock the door and don’t open up for anyone, simply because there is worry in the world.”

A fierce fight by Kurdish fighters to repel an invasion by the Islamic Condition previous yr rocketed Kobani, an obscure border town in northern Syria, into the world’s consciousness.

But by the time the Kurds prevailed in January, backed by hundreds of American airstrikes in what was lauded as a model of global cooperation, the town looked as though an earthquake experienced struck it. Refugees who arrived back again had difficulty even locating their homes.

Photograph

The issues the city faces are huge, illustrating the toll of driving out ISIS. A lot of Syrian cities will have to bear to cost of destruction when the war finishes. Credit rating Tyler Hicks/The New York Occasions

Kobani, known in Arabic as Ain al-Arab, is making an attempt now to conquer the deep scars of war and rebuild — and there are indicators of life.

The issues the town faces are large, illustrating the huge toll of driving the Islamic Condition from the urban areas, but also the expensive stress of destruction that numerous Syrian towns will have to bear when the war finishes.

All around town, the crash of tractors tearing down destroyed structures resounds by way of the streets. Fleets of vans haul off loads of rubble to dump outside the metropolis in at any time-increasing fields of waste.

Shops marketing cellphones, cigarettes and grilled hen have reopened together a handful of industrial streets following putting in new doors and glass. And hundreds of displaced people are returning every thirty day period, regional officials say. Several have reclaimed their destroyed properties, masking blown-out home windows with plastic and plugging holes in walls with bricks to hold out the wind until finally genuine repairs can be manufactured.

“The town has turn out to be reasonably appropriate to live in again,” explained Idris Nassan, the head of foreign affairs for the area’s new autonomous administration.

When the struggle finished, 80 percent of properties were ruined and the infrastructure experienced collapsed, he stated. The town had extended ahead of reduce any back links with the central authorities in Damascus, so regional leaders shaped the Kobani Reconstruction Board with customers from the Kurdish diaspora to solicit assist and oversee rebuilding.

Its very first jobs have been to restore water and sewage lines, reopen streets, dispose of unexploded ordnance and lay to relaxation the bodies of a lot more than a hundred individuals found in the rubble, Mr. Nassan stated.

Also ruined have been the city’s new hospital, most government workplaces, a number of faculties and bakeries, and two big wedding ceremony halls.

Kobani sustained yet an additional blow in June, when Islamic State fighters dressed as anti-Assad rebels sneaked into city just before dawn and went home to home, killing much more than 250 people before Kurdish fighters killed them, in accordance to Shervan Darwish, a military official here.

But the administration has retained on, operating with global companies to open clinics and regulating turbines so citizens can get a number of hours of electrical power for every working day.

Its reconstruction efforts are constrained, even so, by limited money and the difficulty of obtaining building materials.

Although the city is in close proximity to the Turkish border, Turkey has stored its crossings shut to most cargo — a go widely seen as a strike from the area’s Kurds.

Numerous of Kobani’s colleges are destroyed, but a amount of them reopened very last thirty day period, their courtyards filling 2 times a working day with youngsters performing workouts and heading to course. The early grades now use new Kurdish textbooks rather of the Syrian government’s Arabic curriculum. It is unclear how routinely the instructors will be paid.

“If there is a income, of course no a single would say no,” explained Shevin Mho, a teacher.

The sprawling martyrs’ graveyard exterior city bears testomony to the substantial human toll of the combat against the Islamic Condition, also recognized as ISIS. Hundreds of graves fill the site, the headstones of unidentified bodies bearing only quantities.

On a wet afternoon, a bereaved mother walked through the mud, screaming and yanking tufts of grey hair from her head while family members tried out to restrain her.

Nearby, Badea Ali put blue and red plastic flowers on the grave of her brother, Anwar, a Kurdish policeman who had been killed in a bomb assault. Ms. Ali said she had remaining Kobani for Iraq early in the war, then fled to Europe by boat very last 12 months and finished up in Germany.

It had been agonizing to observe the battle for her hometown on the information in a peculiar place, but like a lot of Kobani natives, the war experienced taught her to treasure the location, she stated.

“I started loving Kobani more than before simply because now we know its value,” she stated.

Her desire is to go back from Germany to open up a hair salon, she said — but not but. “The predicament wants to settle down a little bit,” she said.

The scale of the town’s reduction haunts many people.

Each and every morning, Muslim Mohammed, fifty six, returns to his damaged house and sits on your own outside the house, consuming tea and pondering. The surrounding condominium properties are all destroyed and vacant, now nesting grounds for birds.

“I don’t like to see a good deal of folks,” explained Mr. Mohammed, a mechanic. “It is psychologically taxing.”

He and his wife had fled to Turkey when the fight started, but a few of his sons experienced joined the principal Kurdish militia right here.

Ali, 17, was killed in fight, and Mohammed, 29, was shot useless throughout the ISIS incursion in June, Mr. Mohammed mentioned. So he sent Ahmed, fifteen, to Europe by raft, hoping that distance may possibly hold him alive.

“Was I intended to sacrifice all my sons?” Mr. Mohammed explained.

Like many people, he struggled to understand why the jihadists experienced poured so a lot into preventing for their town.

“They didn’t leave us something,” he mentioned. “Not our sons, our funds, our homes.”

Others, nonetheless, noticed the victory as a massive step toward empowerment for Syria’s Kurdish minority following decades of governmental neglect. “It was well worth it,” explained Sherin Ismael, a 26-year-old seamstress. “Now the globe is aware that there are Kurds.”

Her loved ones customers, way too, are the only citizens still left on their block, and her 2-year-outdated nephew, Osman, nevertheless cries at night, expressing, “ISIS is coming.”

Some of their neighbors recently came to examine their house and see what it would take to go back again in.

“Destruction comes swiftly,” Ms. Ismael stated. “But constructing will take time.”

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NYT &gt Worldwide Residence

“Who’s ISIS?” Anonymous’ #OpParis campaign against Islamic State goes awry

Bandar Sabung Ayam

The Twitter account of Anonymous’ #OpParis anti-ISIS operation has produced some extraordinary claims about its impact—many of which are now being questioned or outright discredited.

A team linked with the Anonymous hacktivist motion introduced what they claimed was a “total war” towards the Islamic Point out (also identified as ISIS or Daesh), encouraging folks to be a part of in an work allegedly focusing on social media accounts associated with the terror group in response to the assaults in Paris a week in the past. Several “ops” have been released in an try to crowdsource initiatives to disrupt ISIS social media and even hack its customers. But there has also been a rash of accusations in between these linked with distinct operations, and it’s not obvious that any of them are reaching anything other than drawing consideration to Nameless once again.

Severely, after #OpISIS there have been way too a lot of fame whores. It is not about the follows or RTs. It’s about the real truth. Have some integrity.

— Anonymous (@GroupAnon) November 22, 2015

In a movie release, self-proclaimed members of #OpParis introduced that they experienced taken down twenty,000 Twitter accounts related with ISIS. Folks related with the procedure also declare to have alerted law enforcement to planned ISIS attacks in the US and Paris.

Even so, numerous of the accounts focused by an automated Twitter reporting script that the group has dispersed via hyperlinks from its chat channel have absolutely nothing to do with the Islamic State. And the FBI has discounted that details, releasing a assertion that “we do not have certain or credible data of an assault at this time.” The US assault claimed to have been uncovered by Nameless members was allegedly targeting a WWE wrestling celebration in Atlanta tonight.

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Ars Technica

Pentagon Expands Inquiry Into Intelligence on ISIS Surge

WASHINGTON — When Islamic Point out fighters overran a string of Iraqi cities final calendar year, analysts at United States Central Command wrote categorized assessments for navy intelligence officers and policy makers that documented the humiliating retreat of the Iraqi Army. But before the assessments were final, previous intelligence officials said, the analysts’ superiors made considerable changes.

In the revised documents, the Iraqi Military had not retreated at all. The soldiers experienced just “redeployed.”

Such alterations are at the coronary heart of an expanding inner Pentagon investigation of Centcom, as Central Command is known, exactly where analysts say that supervisors revised conclusions to mask some of the American military’s failures in education Iraqi troops and beating back the Islamic Point out. The analysts say supervisors were particularly keen to paint a more optimistic photo of America’s role in the conflict than was warranted.

In recent months, the Pentagon inspector general seized a large trove of emails and paperwork from navy servers as it examines the claims, and has extra a lot more investigators to the inquiry.

The attacks in Paris last week have been a lethal demonstration that the Islamic State, as soon as a group of militants focused on seizing territory in Iraq and Syria, has broadened its concentrate to assault the West. The electronic information seized in the Pentagon investigation inform the tale of the group’s increase, as noticed through the eyes of Centcom, which oversees navy functions across the Center East.

The specific content of these files is unclear and could not grow to be public because so considerably of the information is classified. But armed forces officers have informed Congress that some of these email messages and documents may have been deleted prior to they experienced to be turned more than to investigators, according to a senior congressional official, who requested anonymity to speak about the ongoing inquiry. Current and former officials have independently manufactured related promises, on condition of anonymity, to The New York Moments. Even though lawmakers are demanding responses about individuals promises, it is not clear that the inspector standard has been capable to validate them. A spokeswoman for the inspector standard declined to remark.

Employees customers at the Home Permanent Pick Committee on Intelligence are also poring above years of Centcom intelligence reviews and evaluating them to assessments from the Central Intelligence Company, the Defense Intelligence Agency and others. The committee is not just examining reviews about Iraq, Syria and the Islamic Condition, but also about Afghanistan and other locations under Centcom’s purview. The insurrection inside of Centcom is an critical chapter in the tale of how the United States responded to the increasing risk from the Islamic Condition. This past summer time, a group of Centcom analysts took concerns about their superiors to the inspector standard, expressing they had evidence that senior officials had transformed intelligence assessments to overstate the progress of American airstrikes against the Islamic Condition, also known as ISIS.

The analysts explained difficulties in Iraq have been rooted in deep political and spiritual divides that could not effortlessly be solved with a navy marketing campaign, existing and former officers have explained. But Centcom’s official posture remained typically upbeat.

Interactive Feature | How ISIS Expanded Its Threat The Islamic Point out emerged from a team of militants in Iraq to consider above massive portions of Iraq and Syria, and now threatens other countries in Europe and in other places.

It is not distinct whether or not the Centcom assessments considerably changed the Obama administration’s views about ISIS. While Centcom was largely optimistic about American gains, other companies have been far more pessimistic. The White Residence has generally been measured in its assessments.

But President Obama and senior intelligence officers have acknowledged that the Islamic State’s quick emergence caught them by surprise. At the minimum, the prospect that senior officials deliberately skewed intelligence conclusions has raised queries about how significantly Mr. Obama, Congress and the public can feel the military’s assessments.

People questions have taken on a new urgency since the terror assaults in Paris, which signaled a new dedication by ISIS to have out terror attacks outside of the territory in Iraq and Syria it has declared its “caliphate.” Strain has grown on the White House to articulate a more muscular technique for dismantling the group, and a chorus of Republican lawmakers and presidential candidates are calling for an American ground marketing campaign in Syria.

Senior lawmakers have started their very own inquiries into the military’s intelligence equipment. Agent Mac Thornberry, the Republican from Texas who is chairman of the Residence Armed Providers Committee, stated in an interview that his committee was inspecting intelligence assessments from Centcom and other military instructions to see if there was a systemic issue of dissenting voices being muffled by senior military commanders.

The Home Armed Services Committee chairman, Mac Thornberry, at a conference in Washington previous thirty day period.

Chip Somodevilla / Getty Images

“Any time there is an allegation that intelligence is currently being shaved in a certain way, or distorted in a specified way, that is a trigger for significant worry,” he mentioned.

Mr. Thornberry mentioned that Congress has to be cautious not to impede the progress of the inspector general’s investigators, but that lawmakers “also have a job to do.”

On Thursday, Foreign Coverage documented that a team of Republican lawmakers will be focusing on whether or not Centcom also skewed intelligence assessments about Afghanistan.

Representative Devin Nunes of California, the Republican chairman of the Property Long lasting Decide on Committee on Intelligence, has been eager to grow his panel’s inquiry into the Centcom assessments. Mr. Nunes is organizing to send a letter to the inspector general on Monday inquiring if e-mail and documents pertinent to the investigation have certainly been deleted. He is also inquiring for copies of any deleted supplies that investigators may be capable to retrieve from Centcom servers.

Graphic | ISIS Is Likely Responsible for Nearly 1,000 Civilian Fatalities Exterior Iraq and Syria At the very least a dozen nations have had assaults given that the Islamic Point out, or ISIS, commenced to pursue a worldwide strategy in the summer season of 2014.

For the moment, Mr. Nunes is generating the ask for without the help of his Democratic counterpart, Representative Adam B. Schiff of California. Mr. Schiff mentioned questions about skewed intelligence needed to be taken “very critically,” but that the inspector common must be authorized to end the inquiry just before the Home intelligence committee regarded as expanding its possess investigation.

The committee has asked the Pentagon for authorization to interview officers, which includes the two most senior intelligence officers at Centcom, Maj. Gen. Steven Grove and his civilian deputy, Gregory Ryckman. The request was denied by Pentagon officers, citing the ongoing interior investigation.

That investigation was prompted by issues this previous summertime from Centcom’s longtime Iraq specialists, led by Gregory Hooker, the senior Iraq analyst. In some techniques, the team’s criticisms mirror individuals of a ten years back, when Mr. Hooker wrote a research paper saying the Bush administration, more than numerous analysts’ objections, advocated a modest drive in Iraq and invested minor time organizing for what would comply with the invasion.

Lawmakers originally explained that the Centcom investigation would be concluded in weeks. But Pentagon investigators have identified the perform painstaking and it could span months. In addition to deciding whether adjustments have been manufactured to intelligence studies — and if so, who requested them — the investigators, like the personnel users of the Home intelligence committee, are studying stories from other intelligence businesses developed at the time to establish what was truly occurring in Iraq and Syria when the studies were composed.

Col. Patrick Ryder, a Centcom spokesman, said that the command welcomed the inspector general’s oversight and would respond to requests from Congress for information, and that Gen. Lloyd J. Austin III, the Centcom commander, would “take proper motion once the investigation benefits have been gained and reviewed.”

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NYT &gt Intercontinental Residence

State of Terror: ISIS Women and Enforcers in Syria Recount Collaboration, Anguish and Escape Agen Sabung Ayam

Agen Sabung Ayam

SOUTHERN TURKEY — Dua had only been working for two months with the Khansaa Brigade, the all-female morality police of the Islamic State, when her friends were brought to the station to be whipped.

The police had hauled in two women she had known since childhood, a mother and her teenage daughter, both distraught. Their abayas, flowing black robes, had been deemed too form-fitting.

When the mother saw Dua, she rushed over and begged her to intercede. The room felt stuffy as Dua weighed what to do.

“Their abayas really were very tight. I told her it was their own fault; they had come out wearing the wrong thing,” she said. “They were unhappy with that.”

Timeline | The Women Who Left ISIS

Dua sat back down and watched as the other officers took the women into a back room to be whipped. When they removed their face-concealing niqabs, her friends were also found to be wearing makeup. It was 20 lashes for the abaya offense, five for the makeup, and another five for not being meek enough when detained.

Their cries began ringing out, and Dua stared hard at the ceiling, a lump building in her throat.

In the short time since she had joined the Khansaa Brigade in her hometown, Raqqa, in northern Syria, the morality force had grown more harsh. Mandatory abayas and niqabs were still new for many women in the weeks after the jihadists of the Islamic State had purged the city of competing militants and taken over. At first, the brigade was told to give the community a chance to adapt, and clothing offenses brought small fines.

After too many young women became repeat offenders, however, paying the fines without changing their behavior, the soft approach was out. Now it was whipping — and now it was her friends being punished.

Interactive Map | Inside Raqqa, the Capital of ISIS A bustling city has been transformed under the group’s brutal rule.

The mother and daughter came to Dua’s parents’ house afterward, furious with her and venting their anger at the Islamic State.

“They said they hated it and wished it had never come to Raqqa,” Dua said. She pleaded with them, explaining that as a young and new member of the Khansaa Brigade, there was nothing she could have done.

But a lifelong friendship, with shared holiday gatherings and birthday parties, was suddenly broken. “After that day, they hated me, too,” she said. “They never came to our house again.”

Dua’s second cousin Aws also worked for the brigade. Not long after Dua’s friends were whipped, Aws saw fighters brutally lashing a man in Muhammad Square. The man, about 70, frail and with white hair, had been heard cursing God. As a crowd gathered, the fighters dragged him into the public square and whipped him after he fell to his knees.

“He cried the whole time,” Aws said. “It was lucky for him that he had cursed Allah, because Allah shows mercy. If he’d cursed the Prophet, they would have killed him.”

Today, Aws, 25, and Dua, 20, are living in a small city in southern Turkey after fleeing Raqqa and its jihadist rulers. They met up here with Asma, 22, another defector from the Khansaa Brigade, and found shelter in the city’s large community of Syrian refugees.

Raqqa is widely known now as the capital of the Islamic State’s self-declared caliphate and as the focus of heavy airstrikes by a growing number of countries seeking revenge for the Islamic State’s recent terrorist attacks. But the city in which the three women came to adulthood used to be quite different. Identified here by nicknames, the women spoke for many hours over the course of two visits this fall, recalling their experiences under Islamic State rule and how the jihadists had utterly changed life in Raqqa.

All three described themselves as fairly typical young women of Raqqa. Aws was more into Hollywood, Dua into Bollywood. Aws’s family was middle-class, and she studied English literature at a branch of Euphrates University, a three-hour bus ride away in the city of Hasaka. She devoured novels: some by Agatha Christie, and especially Dan Brown books. “Digital Fortress” is her favorite.

Dua’s father is a farmer, and money was tighter. But her social life was closely intertwined with Aws’s, and the cousins loved their charming city. There were long walks to Qalat Jabr, the 11th-century fort on Lake Assad; coffee at Al Rasheed Park;and Raqqa Bridge, where you could see the city lights at night. In the gardens and amusement park in the town center, there was ice cream and communal shisha pipes to gather around.

“In the summer, everyone went out at night and stayed out late, because it was so hot during the day,” Dua said.

The women keep pictures of their old lives in Raqqa on their cellphones, scenes from parties and countryside outings. Aws’s gallery includes days on the lakeshore, her friends in bathing suits, dancing in the water.

Asma, with a bright gaze, was another outward-looking young woman, studying business at Euphrates University. Her mother was a native of Damascus, the capital, and Asma had spent some of her teenage years there seeing friends, swimming at pool parties, going to cafes. She is also an avid reader, fond of Ernest Hemingway and Victor Hugo, and she speaks some English.

Interactive Feature | State of Terror Articles in this series examine the rise of the Islamic State and life inside the territory it has conquered.

All three belonged to a generation of Syrian women who were leading more independent lives than ever before. They mixed freely with young men, socializing and studying together in a religiously diverse city with relatively relaxed mores.

Many young women dressed in what they called sport style, baring their knees and arms in the summer and wearing makeup. And while Raqqa’s more conservative residents wore abayas and veils, women were going to college in greater numbers and getting married later. Most men and women chose their own spouses.

When the uprising against the government of President Bashar al-Assad began rippling across Syria in 2011, it seemed distant from Raqqa. As news of fighting and massacres started filtering in, it was mostly from faraway cities in the country’s west, like Homs. Even as displaced people began appearing in Raqqa and the city’s young men started to sign up with anti-Assad groups in the area, including the Nusra Front and what is now the Islamic State, the fabric of life seemed intact.

At the start of 2014, everything changed. The Islamic State wrested full control of Raqqa and made the city its command center, violently consolidating its authority. Those who resisted, or whose family or friends had the wrong connections, were detained, tortured or killed.

The Islamic State has come to be known around the world by acronyms like ISIS and ISIL. But in Raqqa, residents began calling it Al Tanzeem: The Organization. And it quickly became clear that every spot in the social order, and any chance for a family to survive, was utterly dependent on the group.

Not only had Raqqa residents become subjects of the Organization’s mostly Iraqi leadership, but their place in society fell even further overnight. As foreign fighters and other volunteers began streaming into town, answering the call to jihad, they became the leading lights of the shaken-up community. In Raqqa, the Syrians had become second-class citizens — at best.

Dua, Aws and Asma were among the lucky: The choice to join was available to them. And each chose to barter her life, through work and marriage, to the Organization.

None of them subscribed to its extreme ideology, and even after fleeing their homes and going into hiding, they still struggle to explain how they changed from modern young women into Islamic State morality enforcers.

In the moment, each choice seemed like the right one, a way to keep life tolerable: marrying fighters to assuage the Organization and keep their families in favor; joining the Khansaa Brigade to win some freedom of movement and an income in a city where women had been stripped of self-determination.

But every concession turned to horror before long, and the women came to deplore how they were pitted against their neighbors, part of a force tearing apart the community they loved. Only months in, widowed and abandoned and forced to marry strangers again, would they see how they were being used as temporary salves to foreign fighters whose only dedication was to violence and an unrecognizable God.

Each of them was driven to the conviction that escape was a last chance at life. And each joined the flow of Syrians abandoning their country, leaving a void to be filled by the foreigners who held nothing of Syria in their hearts.

The Betrothals

The day Abu Muhammad, a Turkish fighter for the Islamic State, walked through Aws’s front door to seek marriage, she made her first concession to the Organization.

Her father and grandfather met with Abu Muhammad in the living room, telling Aws that she could see him at a second meeting if he offered a suitable dowry. But Aws was too much of a romantic, and had seen too many Leonardo DiCaprio films, to agree to marry a man whose face she had not seen.

When she knelt down behind the living room door to leave the thimbles of coffee she had prepared, she peered in for a moment and caught a glimpse of him. He had winged eyebrows, light eyes and a deep voice. As she waited for the discussion to conclude, she tried to imagine what their life together might be like. By the time her father called her in, she had already nervously decided to say yes, for her family’s sake.

After their wedding, she was surprised to find that the marriage felt real — even affectionate. Abu Muhammad liked to trace the two moles that made a constellation on her left cheek; he gently teased her about her accent when she tried to pronounce Turkish words.

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But he often did not come home at night, and was sometimes gone for three- or four-day stretches to fight for the Islamic State. Aws hated being left alone and would pout about it when he finally came home; he answered with silly jokes, cajoling her into forgiveness.

She tried to keep busy by socializing with other fighters’ wives. Among them, she felt fortunate. Some were married to men who were abusive.

Everyone had heard of Fatima, who had killed herself by slitting her wrists after being forced to marry a fighter, and there was the Tunisian girl next door who burst into tears every time someone mentioned her husband’s name. And even they were considered luckier than the captured women from the Yazidi minority, who were being smuggled into town as slaves for other fighters.

Mostly, though, Aws’s days became an intolerable void. Sociable and lively, with long, curly black hair and a gamine face, she was bored and thoroughly unhappy. She finished her housework quickly, but there was nowhere to go. New books were nearly impossible to find after the jihadists banned almost all fiction, purging the bookshops and local cultural center.

The Organization also cast a long shadow over her marriage. Though Aws had always wanted a baby, Abu Muhammad asked her to take birth control pills, still available at Raqqa’s pharmacies. When she pressed him, he said his commanders had advised fighters to avoid getting their wives pregnant. New fathers would be less inclined to volunteer to carry out suicide missions.

This was one of the early, devastating moments when Aws saw that there would be no normalcy or choice; the Islamic State was a third partner in her marriage, there in the bedroom. “At first, I used to keep bringing it up, but it really upset him, so I stopped,” she said.

For Dua’s family, money had always been an issue. Her father was still farming, but many lawyers and doctors who had lost their jobs when the jihadists took over had also started selling fruits and vegetables to get by, creating new competition. The Organization imposed taxes, which cut further into the family’s income. When a Saudi fighter came to ask to marry Dua, in February 2014, her father pushed her to accept.

The Saudi, Abu Soheil Jizrawi, came from a wealthy construction family in Riyadh and promised to transform Dua’s life. She deliberated and eventually agreed. She met him for the first time on their wedding day, when he arrived bearing gold for her family. She liked what she saw: Abu Soheil was light-skinned with a soft black beard, tall and lanky, with charisma and an easy way of making her laugh.

He set her up in a spacious apartment with new European kitchen appliances and air-conditioning units in each room — almost unheard-of in Raqqa. She eagerly showed off her new home to friends and relatives. Her kitchen became the place where the other fighter’s wife in the building, a Syrian who, like Aws, married a Turkish recruit, stopped in for coffee. Each morning, Abu Soheil’s servant shopped for them and left bags of meat and produce outside the door.

In the evenings, the couple lingered over dinner, and he complimented her cooking, especially when she made his favorite kabsa, a spiced rice dish with meat and eggplant. Abu Soheil did not even mind the little rose tattoo on her hand, though permanent tattoos are forbidden in strict interpretations of Islam.

“He changed my life completely,” Dua said. “He persuaded me to love him.”

Filling Empty Hours

While a little light, at least, had come into the lives of Aws and Dua, Asma’s living room in Raqqa was perpetually dark and stifling. She kept the curtains drawn and windows closed so that no one would know she had her television on inside. Television, music, the radio — everything was kept at the lowest volume she could hear.

Even that escape was becoming scarce for Asma as electricity in Raqqa dwindled to two, sometimes four, hours a day. She certainly could no longer go to the salon to fill the time.

The Organization decreed that the Internet could be used only for critical work, like that of the painstaking recruiters who went online to woo new fighters and foreign women to Syria. Asma, who had previously been on her laptop a few hours each day, found herself disconnected from the world.

“But it was O.K. for them, contacting all those girls to bring them in,” Aws recalled later, as the three women sat together here in Turkey. They all rolled their eyes. “That was work.”

In February 2014, two months into her marriage and unable to persuade Abu Muhammad to let her get pregnant, Aws decided to join the Khansaa Brigade. Dua joined around the same time, and they started their compulsory military and religious training together.

The cousins had their misgivings about joining. But they had already married fighters, choosing to survive the occupation of Raqqa by aligning with the Organization. Working with the brigade was a chance to do more than just subsist, and it paralleled their husbands’ work. And the full extent of the brigade’s oppressiveness would only emerge with time.

A number of Asma’s relatives had already started working for the Islamic State in various ways, and she deliberated carefully before joining in January 2014. With her family already enmeshed with the Organization, it seemed the most logical choice.

“For me, it was about power and money, mostly power,” Asma said, switching to English to describe those motivations. “Since my relatives had all joined, it didn’t change a great deal to join. I just had more authority.”

Though the women tried to rationalize their enlistment, there was no way to avoid seeing the Organization as the wanton killing machine it was. But all of Syria, it seemed, had become about death.

At night, Aws and Dua heard attempts at self-justification from the husbands they had waited up for and would go to bed with. They had to be savage when taking a town to minimize casualties later, the men insisted. Mr. Assad’s forces were targeting civilians, sweeping into homes in the middle of the night and brutalizing men in front of their wives; the fighters had no choice but to respond with equal brutality, they said.

All three women attended the training required for those joining the Khansaa Brigade. Roughly 50 women took the 15-day weapons course at once; during eight-hour days, they learned how to load, clean and fire pistols. But the foreign women who had come to Syria to join the Islamic State were rumored to be training on “russis,” slang for Kalashnikov assault rifles.

Religion classes, taught mainly by Moroccans and Algerians, focused on the laws and principles of Islam. Dua, for one, was pleased; she felt she had not known enough about Islam before the Organization took over.

By March 2014, Aws and Dua were out every day on the brigade’s street patrols, moving about the city in small gray Kia vans with “Al Khansaa” on the sides. There were women from across the world in the brigade: British, Tunisian, Saudi, French.

But both within their unit and more broadly across Raqqa, the Organization had issued a strict decree: No mingling between natives and foreigners. The occupiers thought gossip was dangerous. Salaries and accommodations might be compared, hypocrisies exposed.

Status within Raqqa — how it was derived and how it was expressed — was becoming a grievance. Dua explained openly, with a modest but satisfied expression, that she had enjoyed more status than most because of her wealthy Saudi husband, who was said to be high up in the Organization.

“As women, our status depended on his status,” Aws said, referring to husbands in general. Among the male fighters, this had been clear from the beginning: Salaries, cars, neighborhoods and housing were allocated in large part by nationality.

It soon became clear that the foreign women had more freedom of movement, more disposable income and small perks: jumping to the front of the bread line, not having to pay at the hospital. Some seemed to have unfettered Internet access, including multiple Twitter profiles.

“The foreign women got to do whatever they wanted,” Asma complained. “They could go wherever they wanted.”

“They were spoiled,” Aws said. “Even the ones that were younger than us had more power.”

“Maybe it’s because they had to leave their countries to come here — it was felt they should be treated more specially,” Dua said, as usual more reluctant to criticize.

“We couldn’t even say anything,” Aws said. “We couldn’t even question why.”

The Organization had no outlet for grievances. It seemed to operate by stealth, and being married to its fighters offered no real information about its operations and ambitions. Senior figures like the caliph himself, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, were never seen in public. Even within Raqqa, he remained a shadow, the women said.

Asma’s role in the Khansaa Brigade involved meeting foreign women at the border with Turkey, 50 miles north, and accompanying them into Raqqa at night. With her smattering of English and cosmopolitan air, she was well suited to the task. She would receive a slip of paper with names, and the crew — two or three brigade women, an interpreter and a driver — would start up the highway.

Many women were arriving from Europe. One spring night this year, Asma and her crew received three British girls, dressed in Western clothes but with their hair covered. “They were so young, tiny, and so happy to have arrived, laughing and smiling,” she recalled.

She accompanied them to a hostel and helped them get settled. As with most of the foreigners she escorted, she did not see them again. It was only later that she saw their faces plastered across the Internet, identified as schoolgirls from Bethnal Green in London, migrating by choice to join the Islamic State.

Asma was bewildered by their decision to so cheerfully embrace a life that was sapping her every single day.

Before, Asma had a boyfriend from college. Their relationship was complicated: He had urged her to start wearing a head scarf and to dress more conservatively even before the Islamic State took control of Raqqa, but she refused to have her worth judged by the amount of skin she had covered. After the takeover, he moved to Jordan to finish his studies.

Now, she wore her hijab all day and enforced it for other women. But at night, she listened to the rock group Evanescence on her phone and mourned.

One spring day in 2014, the women in Dua’s police unit went to one of the city’s main squares to watch the stoning of two local women, supposedly for adultery. Dua refused to go. She did not like how the militants prized spectacle over correct implementation of Shariah law. “In Islam, you need four witnesses to the act to carry out such a punishment,” she said.

Within hours, word spread that one of the women had not been involved with a man at all. She was said to have shown up outside the city’s Police Headquarters holding a sign that read, “Tasqoot al-Tanzeem.” Down With the Organization.

By the time the trees blossomed that spring, it was common to see the heads of captured soldiers and people accused of treason hanging in the main square near the clock tower. But most who had stayed in Raqqa were either too afraid to rebel or had no desire to.

Horrified, the cousins kept trying to cope, soothing themselves with the thought that, though they had joined the Organization, at least they were not personally killing anyone.

“We saw many heads being cut off,” Dua recalled.

“You saw the heads — it was just the heads you saw,” Aws corrected her.

“Well, it is forbidden in Islam to mutilate bodies.”

“I saw bodies that lay in the street for a whole week.”

Asma, unsettled at the turn in the conversation, tuned out and started looking at Facebook on her phone. Of the three women, she was the only one who read Western news coverage online: She knew the world considered the Islamic State grotesque, and she was haunted by how she had tainted herself at the very outset of her adult life.

Within the brigade, women had started using their authority to settle petty quarrels or exact revenge. “Girls who were fighting would go to the Organization and accuse their enemies of some infraction,” Aws recalled. “Even if they had done nothing wrong, they would be brought into headquarters.”

Their job, inflicting fear on their neighbors, was agony. That everyone was probably two-faced was the only reliable assumption.

“Many times, I saw women I knew smiling at me when they saw I’d joined,” Aws said. “But I knew inside they felt differently. I knew because before I joined myself, when I saw a girl I knew had started working with ISIS, I resented it.”

Wives of Martyrs

As with Aws’s husband, Dua’s, Abu Soheil, did not want children. But Dua was not in a rush, and she did not press him.

One week in July 2014, he did not return for three nights. On the fourth day, a group of fighters knocked on her door. They told her that Abu Soheil had blown himself up in a battle against the Syrian Army at Tal Abyad, on the border with Turkey.

Dua was devastated, especially when the commander told her Abu Soheil had requested a suicide mission. He had never told her about such a plan, and she broke down, shaking and sobbing, at the men’s feet.

She tried to console herself with the thought that it was honorable to be a martyr’s wife. But days later, she learned a fact that made things even harder to bear: Abu Soheil had killed himself in an operation not against the hated Syrian Army, but against a competing rebel group that the Islamic State was trying to wipe out.

“I cried for days,” she said. “He died fighting other Muslims.”

Just 10 days later, another man from her husband’s unit came to the house. He told Dua she could not stay home alone and would need to marry again, immediately.

Again, the Organization was twisting Islamic law to its own desires. Under nearly universal interpretations of Islam, a woman must wait three months before remarrying, mainly to establish the paternity of any child that might have been conceived. The waiting period, called idaa, is not only required but is a woman’s right, to allow her to grieve. But even in the realm of divine law, the Islamic State was reformulating everything.

“I told him that I still couldn’t stop crying,” Dua said. “I said: ‘I’m heartbroken. I want to wait the whole three months.’ ” But the commander told her she was different from a normal widow. “You shouldn’t be mourning and sad,” he said. “He asked for martyrdom himself, and you are the wife of a martyr. You should be happy.”

That was the moment that broke her.

The Organization had made her a widow and wanted to do so again and again, turning her into a perpetual temporary distraction for suicidal fighters. There was no choice left, no dignity, just the service demanded by the Islamic State’s need to feed men to its front lines.

“I had a good marriage to a good man, and I didn’t want to end up in a bad one,” Dua said. “I knew it would be painful for me to marry someone only to lose him when he goes on a martyrdom mission. It’s only natural to have feelings and grow attached.”

She knew she had to escape, even though it would mean leaving the house that should have been her inheritance.

The news came for Aws not long after it did for Dua. Abu Muhammad had also killed himself in a suicide operation. There was no funeral to attend and no in-laws to grieve with. She was devastated.

She had no time to recover before the Organization came knocking. “They told me that he was a martyr now, obviously he didn’t need a wife anymore, but that there was another fighter who did,” Aws said. “They said this fighter had been my husband’s friend, and wanted to protect and take care of me on his behalf.”

She agreed reluctantly, despite being one month short of her three-month waiting period. But things did not click with this new husband, an Egyptian who turned up at home even less than Abu Muhammad had. Everything about him — his personality, his looks, their sexual relations — she shrugged off with a sour expression and a single word: “aadi.” Regular.

When he ran off with his salary two months later, without even a goodbye, Aws was left abandoned, denied even the status of widow. Back at her parents’ house, she wandered from room to room, grieving for the life she had had before and stunned by how far away it seemed from where she had fallen.

Departure

To the outside world, the territory controlled by the Islamic State might seem to be a hermetically sealed land governed by the harshest laws of the seventh century. But until relatively recently, the routes into and out of Raqqa were mostly open. Traders would come and go, supplying the Organization’s needs and wants — including cigarettes, which some fighters smoked despite the fact that they were banned for Raqqa residents.

Dua, unable to bear another forced marriage, left first. Her brother made calls to Syrian friends in southern Turkey who could meet her on the other side, and the siblings boarded a small minibus for the two-hour ride to the Tal Abyad crossing early this year. The flow of refugees into Turkey was still heavy then, and the two passed through without being stopped.

When Aws decided to leave four months later, it was harder to cross the border because Turkey had started tightening security. She contacted Dua and was put in touch with the man who had helped Dua get out.

The man is part of a network in southern Turkey that has made a cottage industry of extricating people from Islamic State territory. When Aws got to the border crossing, one of the man’s colleagues was waiting with a fake identity card that showed her to be his sister if she should be questioned.

Her heart was in her throat, but when the moment of crossing came, the men at the checkpoint never asked her to show identification, much less to remove her veil.

By early this past spring, Asma was agonizing about whether to flee as well.

Raqqa had been transformed. Before, she would see someone she knew every 20 paces; the city felt small. But those who could afford to had fled. On the job in public, she was surrounded by strange faces and foreign accents.

The Organization disapproved of young women’s remaining unmarried, and Asma’s situation had grown complicated. She became deeply depressed, her days stretching before her aridly.

“You couldn’t go to the doctor without your father or brother. You couldn’t go out to just take a walk,” she said. “I just couldn’t bear it anymore.”

She felt her identity was being extinguished. “Before, I was like you,” she told a reporter, waving her arms up and down. “I had a boyfriend, I went to the beach, I wore a bikini. Even in Syria, we wore short skirts and tank tops, and all of this was normal. Even my brothers didn’t care — I had no trouble from anyone.”

When she and a cousin plotted their escape, they told no one, not even their families, and took nothing but their handbags. A friend inside the Organization agreed to get them out, and fear for him made the night journey even more terrifying. The friend guided them through three checkpoints, and finally, just after 1 a.m., they arrived at the border crossing. They showed their ID cards and murmured goodbye.

“The guy at the checkpoint, I was convinced he knew we were trying to escape. I was so nervous and scared,” Asma recalled. “But then I realized it only looked suspicious in my head, because I was so scared.”

The car meeting them on the other side looked gray in the moonlight. They got in and drove away from the Islamic State, from what was left of Syria.

Little Syria

The Turkish city the three women now live in sits on a dry grass plain, its outskirts dotted with almond and plum groves, pine and olive trees. Low-slung apartment blocks were put up during a housing boom a few years ago, providing the cheap accommodation that has made it possible for many Syrian refugees to rebuild lives here.

There are scruffy Syrian children begging and selling tissues in the street, just as in Istanbul or Beirut, Lebanon. But there are opportunities for work, and the rent for a two-bedroom apartment is not staggeringly out of reach.

There are, by now, enough Syrians that the city center has its own Syrian restaurants and baklava shops. The merchants in the bazaar are now practiced in saying, in Arabic, “This price is just for your sake.”

But not all of the city’s Syrian émigrés were Islamic State collaborators, and Aws, Dua and Asma tightly guard their secret. They are stateless and dislocated, hiding pasts that could hurt them.

All three are taking English and Turkish classes, hoping that will someday help them chart a future elsewhere, perhaps in a more cosmopolitan part of Turkey. They live with Syrian families who are more established, whom they know from home or who had connections there. The families cover much of their living costs, and what they brought from home is enough for their language courses and daily expenses.

Aws wakes up and listens to the Lebanese singer Fayrouz as she makes her morning coffee. She is cagey about her social life, but she shows part of a new cellphone gallery that seems to echo her old life in Raqqa, before the Organization took over: handsome friends, endless shisha cafes. She speaks with her family by voice chat a couple of times a month over WhatsApp.

She wants to find a way to finish her university studies, and to feel normal. “But here, walking on the street, they never let you forget that you’ve had to leave your country,” she said. “Once, someone told a friend of mine, ‘If you were a real man, you wouldn’t have left your country.’ It killed me when I heard this.”

Asma is more fearful and rarely goes out within the town. She has severed contact with her family, worried that the militants will punish them for her escape. Once a week, she emails and calls a friend in Raqqa to complain that her family has spurned her. It is untrue, but she hopes that if she says it often enough, it will spread and perhaps even be heard by Islamic State intelligence, and that she will protect her family from any consequences of her departure.

After years of shame and disappointment, none of the three said they could imagine ever going back, even if the Islamic State falls. The Raqqa that was their home only exists in their memories.

“Who knows when the fighting will stop?” Asma said. “Syria will become like Palestine; every year, people think: ‘Next year, it will end. We will be free.’ And decades pass. Syria is a jungle now.”

“Even if one day things are all right, I will never return to Raqqa,” Aws said. “Too much blood has been spilled on all sides — I’m not talking just about ISIS, but among everyone.”

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Hillary Clinton Urges No-Fly Zone and More Airstrikes to Defeat ISIS Agen Sabung Ayam

Agen Sabung Ayam

Movie Hillary Rodham Clinton, the Democratic presidential prospect and previous secretary of point out, explained her strategy to defeat the Islamic State.

Hillary Rodham Clinton referred to as for accelerating the American-led procedure to defeat the Islamic Point out on Thursday, likely nicely outside of what President Obama has proposed by urging a no-fly zone with coalition forces to safeguard Syrians, expanding the deployment of Special Functions troops to assist local ground forces, and significantly stepping up airstrikes.

“Our aim is not to discourage or have ISIS, but to defeat and demolish ISIS,” Mrs. Clinton said, employing an acronym for the Islamic Point out, the group that has claimed responsibility for the coordinated terrorist assaults in Paris final Friday.

Talking in New York at the Council on International Relations, Mrs. Clinton took sharp intention at the Republican presidential candidates who have known as for the United States to stop accepting Syrian refugees. “We can not permit terrorists to intimidate us into abandoning our values and our humanitarian obligations,” she explained.

At the identical time, she declared that the aftermath of the assaults in the French money was “no time to be scoring political points.”

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Mrs. Clinton’s technique to the Islamic Condition soon after the Paris assaults stays an incremental enhance above what the White House is now carrying out — just one that would be executed at a quicker speed. The Pentagon has said, for instance, that it will bolster the use of Special Forces if the original effort to train and equip Kurdish fighters and increase the concentrating on of airstrikes is productive Mrs. Clinton appeared all set to do that now.

She named for far more air electrical power, but only in cooperation with Persian Gulf allies, and acknowledged, underneath questioning from Fareed Zakaria, the moderator of the celebration, that Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates experienced halted their air assaults on the Islamic Point out, alternatively focusing their endeavours in Yemen. Mrs. Clinton argued that creating a no-fly zone, enforced by many international locations, “will confront a whole lot of our associates on what they are inclined to do.” And, she argued, it would bolster the diplomacy that her successor as secretary of condition, John Kerry, is pursuing to try to bring about a stop-hearth.

Mrs. Clinton did not directly criticize Mr. Obama’s strategy, and explained her strategy amounted to “an intensification and acceleration of the strategy” the White House has set forth.

But in a remarkable crack with the administration, Mrs. Clinton declared publicly what White House officials have privately explained for months: that the fight in Syria is no for a longer time about ousting President Bashar al-Assad. “We require folks to change from the widespread enemy of ISIS,” she stated.

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In declaring so, Mrs. Clinton appeared to align her strategic method much more carefully with individuals of Russia and Iran, who are backing the Assad government, although she criticized each nations in her speech Thursday.

Mrs. Clinton offered added particulars on her notion for a no-fly zone, expressing it need to be restricted to northern Syria, comparable to Turkish proposals for a buffer zone to protect civilians. Numerous Republican presidential candidates have also called for a far more expansive no-fly zone.

She also pushed back forcefully against Republican phone calls to bar Syrian refugees or to permit only these who are Christians to resettle in the United States.

“We are in a contest of suggestions towards an ideology of dislike and we have to win,” she said. But, she added: “Let’s be distinct, although: Islam is not our adversary. Muslims are tranquil and tolerant people.”

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